Remembering Bastille Day
What Made the French Revolution so Different from the American Revolution?
By Emily Andrews
Estimated Reading Time: 7 minutes
Just 13 years and 10 days after the American colonies declared independence from Britain, a crowd of angry Parisians stormed the Bastille, a medieval fortress-prison, in protest of France’s absolute monarchy. Today, July 14, marks the anniversary of that event, internationally recognized as Bastille Day.
Two Reactions to Two Revolutions
For France, July 14th is equivalent to America’s July 4th in that historians often mark the Storming of the Bastille as the official beginning of the French Revolution. Yet the tone of the two national holidays could not be more different. Consider the historical consequences of the two events: How can it be that just a handful of years after the celebrated outcome of the American Revolution, France was torn to shreds while reportedly pursuing the same goal?
At first glance, it appears odd and almost unjust that (despite Thomas Jefferson’s best attempts) America steadfastly refused to aid France in her fight for liberty. After all, the French were pivotal in America’s own victory not many years before. Yet George Washington and his cabinet remained adamant about not backing the “democratic” National Assembly’s hostile takeover from King Louis XVI. And they were not alone in their instinctive distaste for French liberté.
Edmund Burke, a respected civil servant and conservative political theorist in England, was among those on the other side of the pond who had advocated for the rights of the American colonies during their crisis. When it became clear that the crown was not going to give in to colonial demands, he went as far as to vocally support the American fight for independence.
Burke struck a different note entirely, however, when solicited for his opinion of the French Revolution. What began as a private letter on the subject soon ballooned into the political tome known today as his Reflections on the Revolution in France. There Burke outlines his many reasons for repudiating France’s behavior in 1789.
What was it that differentiated the American Revolution from the French Revolution in his eyes? Why would he support one bid for freedom while boldly criticizing the other?
Revolution and Tradition
Published in 1790 before The Reign of Terror even began, Burke makes several prescient observations about the ideology and execution of the French Revolution. Rather than engage primarily with abstract arguments, Burke bases his critique on the practical effects of the rebellion. For him, the bloodlust, economic ruin, and moral anarchy that followed in the wake of July 14th are better proofs by which to judge the French cause than any philosophers’ pretty syllogisms.
To begin, Burke, as a staunch conservative, criticizes the naivety of the National Assembly’s attempt to build an entirely new system of government. Rather than look to history for examples of political wisdom, the French started by rejecting everything that came before in the ancien régime (old order).
By way of contrast, Burke points to Britain’s bloodless revolution of 1688, when Parliament invited the Protestant Mary and her husband William to forcibly take the crown from Mary’s Catholic father, King James II. Inasmuch as Parliament addressed England’s grievances by preserving the monarchy and choosing a successor within the royal bloodline, Burke claims they adhered as closely as possible to the already established form of government. He suggests that British prosperity derives from “considering our liberties in the light of an inheritance” that in turn gave their “recovered freedom a correspondent dignity.”
In the same way, the American Founders grounded their revolution in a tradition of political liberty that traveled from the Roman Republic to Magna Carta. Burke saw American resistance to the British crown as a return to former liberties granted by that same crown in a previous generation.
Revolution and Virtue
Perhaps more significant for Burke, however, is the manner in which revolution is conducted. He is clear that rebellion should be a last and regretted step in a nation’s pursuit of necessary reform. Revolution is a grave business that calls for sobriety and careful moral attention.
However, Burke writes of France that “she let loose the reins of regal authority, doubled the licence, of a ferocious dissoluteness in manners, and of an insolent irreligion in opinions and practices; and has extended through all the ranks of life…all the unhappy corruptions that usually were the disease of wealth and power.” According to Burke, the worst offense of the French revolutionaries was their abandonment of Christianity and the Church. He dwells at length, for example, on the dishonorable nature of the National Assembly’s seizing of Church property to pay national debts.
Burke suggests that freedom is nothing but licentiousness without a foundation of virtue. Without virtue, individuals have no reason to care for anything beyond themselves. But to love our immediate neighbors, what Burke calls our “little platoon we belong to in society,” is “the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country and to mankind.” What good is a national government if its people have no sense of belonging and obligation to their fellow citizens?
Upon exiting Independence Hall in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin was asked if the Continental Congress had settled on a republic or a monarch. He famously answered, “A republic, if you can keep it.” The American Founders were well aware of the challenges involved in maintaining self-government. When a people rule themselves, they alone bear the responsibility for discerning and acting upon what is right, not just for themselves but for the country as a whole.
Consequently, the demands of self-government make education critical for the preservation of a republic. In the same vein, Burke credits the success of Britain’s constitutional monarchy to their inheritance of a “Gothic and monkish education” that provided them “a share in all the improvements in science, in arts, and in literature, which have illuminated and adorned the modern world.” He adds, “We think one main cause of this improvement was our not despising the patrimony of the knowledge which was left us by our forefathers.” As wisdom is passed down through the centuries, each generation has the opportunity to extend their well of resources beyond those provided to them by their own place and time.
Revolution and Humility
To accept the inheritance of wisdom and recognize one’s limitations, however, requires a great deal of humility. Given the excesses of vice rampant in the French Revolution, it is perhaps ironic that the greatest difference between the American Revolution and the French Revolution comes down to one main factor: the American Founders assumed that man is fallen and prone to error while the French revolutionaries assumed that man is born inherently pure.
Burke argues in the Reflections that the French were “so taken up with their theories about the rights of man, that they have totally forgot his nature.” Society, he says, requires that “the inclinations of men should frequently be thwarted, their will controlled, and their passions brought into subjection.” James Madison echoes this sentiment in Federalist No. 51 when he writes, “If men were angels, no government would be necessary.”
Meanwhile, the French gave their leaders free rein. In the end, their revolutionaries famously subjected every “undesirable” citizen to the guillotine in hopes of purging tyranny from the land. Unfortunately for them, however, the root of tyranny springs eternal in the heart of every human being. An education rooted in virtue and tradition is so important because of this need to wrestle with the real nature of man.
A Call to Civic Education
Bastille Day is an excellent opportunity to reflect on the origins and purpose of liberty and human rights, wherever they exist in the world. For Americans, it is a call to study the careful deliberations of our Founders that left us with an inheritance of restricted liberty, which led in turn to a relatively prosperous freedom.
As an aid to such reflections, we invite you to deepen your civic knowledge by taking the American Civics Exam, now available at civicschallenge.com. At CLT, our goal is to draw the next generation into a deep understanding of America’s founding principles and the history of our democratic republic in order to encourage them–and all U.S. citizens–to fully step into their role as inheritors of our great American tradition. Join us in remembering the 250 years of nation’s history!
Emily Andrews is the Marketing Content Manager for CLT. She lives with her husband and daughter in Spokane, WA and enjoys hoarding books, eating good meals, and failing to complete crossword puzzles.
If you enjoyed this piece, be sure to check out The Anchored Podcast. For more Journal content, check out this post on how to get a civic education. From all of us at the Journal, thanks for reading and have a great rest of your week.
Published on 14th July 2026.